By Howard Thomas Foster II, Mary Theresa Bonhage-Freund, Lisa D. O'Steen
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Extra resources for Archaeology of the Lower Muskogee Creek Indians, 1715-1836
In other words, how valid is our method of tracing names (Knight 1994a:378)? The late-eighteenth-century town of Nuyaka was founded by a population of people from a town called Tote-pauf-cau (Foster 2003a:45s). The name of the Upper Creek town of Tallo-wau mu-chos-see means “new town” but was formerly called Took-au-batchee tal-lau-has-see (Tukabatchee Old Town) and implies that this “new town” was the former location of Tukabatchee. Recent studies by Douglas Hurt (2000), Karen Booker et al. (1992), and Patricia Wickman (1999:57, 74–78, 158) may begin to address these issues of naming conventions.
I prefer the simpler explanation that (1) the political organization of the Creek Indians did not change that drastically and (2) Creek political organization was corporate, therefore (3) Mississippian political organization was corporate. The historic Creek Indians recognized certain individuals who were called Mico, who often came from high-ranking families, although the title holder seems to have been elected (Brown 1989:49; Waselkov and Braund 1995:117–118). While the ranking was inherited, the title was not (Hahn 2004:200).
2004) has shown that the most limiting and signi¤cant variable contributing to town abandonment was soil fertility. While lack of fuel wood was mentioned by eighteenth-century Creek Indians as a reason for moving town locations, it probably was not a widespread cause for town abandonment (Foster 2001:174–177). In some cases, social factors such as access to trade goods or communication networks may have been more important than biophysical factors. In the 1770s, towns were described as compact (Harper 1998:133, 245).
Archaeology of the Lower Muskogee Creek Indians, 1715-1836 by Howard Thomas Foster II, Mary Theresa Bonhage-Freund, Lisa D. O'Steen